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The Haitian government has a number of legal options. It could use its position as a U.N. member to insist that the organization respond to its claims. It could use the Status of Force Agreement to establish a claims tribunal against the wishes of the U.N. Or it could encourage the U.N. to request an advisory opinion from the International Court of Justice, which, due to the particular circumstances of this case, would be binding on the U.N. However, for reasons unknown — but probably having to do with Haiti’s heavy dependence on the U.N. and the international community — the government has declined to take action. Legally, Haiti is able to hold the U.N. accountable, but practically, it cannot afford to bite the hand that feeds it.
TRAD :
Le gouvernement haïtien a un certain nombre d'options légales. Il pourrait utiliser son statut, entant que membre de l'organisation, pour insister afin que l'ONU réponde à ses réclamations. Il pourrait utiliser le "Statut de "Force agreement" pour établir une demande en justice allant à l'encontre des voeux de l'ONU. Ou bien encore, il pourrait demander à l'ONU de faire la requête d'un expert de la Cour International de Justice, lequel vu la spécificité du cas, risquerait de s'aligner sur les positions de l'ONU.
Quoi qu'il en soit, pour des raisons inconnues - mais sans doute liées à la forte dépendance d'Haïti à l'ONU et à la CI - le gouvernement haïtien a refusé d'agir.
Légalement, Haïti a la possibilité de demander des comptes à l'ONU, mais pratiquement, elle ne peut se permettre de mordre la main qui la nourrit.
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Thousands died when the U.N. brought cholera to Haiti. Here's why it's getting off scot-free.
Who pays the costs when United Nations operations go wrong? This hypothetical question became very real in October 2010 when U.N. peacekeepers from Nepal brought cholera to Haiti, as we describe in
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