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Originally published by The Shadow no. 32, April/June 1994, published on Global Research 4 days before the February 29, 2004 Coup d’Etat
Première publication par "The Shadow"en avril/juin1994, publié pour la 2nde fois sur Global Research, 4 jours avant le coup d'Etat du 29 février 2004
It was a day before the scheduled return of Haiti’s exiled president Jean Betrand Aristide, and it was clear that the October 30, 1993 deadline for a return to democratic rule in the western hemisphere’s poorest nation could not occur. Aristide, a Roman Catholic priest who had been elected nearly three years before with 70 percent of the vote in Haiti’s first free election, was speaking to a packed session of the United Nations General Assembly.
In a dramatic move, Aristide told the diplomats that the military government of Haiti had to yield the power that was to end Haiti’s role in the drug trade, a trade financed by Colombia’s Cali cartel, that had exploded in the months following the coup. Aristide told the UN that each year Haiti is the transit point for nearly 50 tons of cocaine worth more than a billion dollars, providing Haiti’s military rulers with $200 million in profits.
Aristide’s electrifying accusations opened the floodgate of even more sinister revelations. Massachusetts senator John Kerry heads a subcommittee concerned with international terrorism and drug trafficking that turned up collusion between the CIA and drug traffickers during the late 1980s’ Iran Contra hearings.
Kerry had developed detailed information on drug trafficking by Haiti’s military rulers that led to the indictment in Miami in 1988, of Lt. Col. Jean Paul. The indictment was a major embarrassment to the Haitian military, especially since Paul defiantly refused to surrender to U.S. authorities. It was just a month before thousands of U.S. troops invaded Panama and arrested Manuel Noriega who, like Col. Paul, was also under indictment for drug trafficking in Florida.
In November 1989, Col. Paul was found dead after he consumed a traditional Haitian good will gift—a bowel of pumpkin soup. Haitian officials accused Paul’s wife of the murder, apparently because she had been cheated out of her share of a cocaine deal by associates of her husband, who were involved in smuggling through Miami.
The U.S. senate also heard testimony in 1988 that then interior minister, Gen. Williams Regala, and his DEA liaison officer, protected and supervised cocaine shipments. The testimony also charged the then Haitian military commander Gen. Henry Namphy with accepting bribes from Colombian traffickers in return for landing rights in the mid 1980’s.
It was in 1989 that yet another military coup brought Lt. Gen. Prosper Avril to power. Under U.S. pressure Avril, the former finance chief under the 30-year Duvalier family dictatorship, fired 140 officers suspected of drug trafficking. Avril, who is currently living in Miami, is being sued by six Haitians, including Port-au-Prince mayor Evans Paul, who claim they were abducted and tortured by the Haitian military under Avril’s orders in November 1989. According to a witness before Senator John Kerry’s subcommittee, Avril is in fact a major player in Haiti’s role as a transit point in the cocaine trade.
Four years later, on the eve of Aristide’s negotiated return as Haiti’s elected president, a summary of a confidential report prepared for Congress and leaked to the media says that “corruption levels within the (Haitian military-run) narcotics service are substantial enough to hamper any significant investigation attempting to dismantle a Colombian organization in Haiti.” The report says that more than 1,000 Colombians live in Haiti using forged passports of the neighboring Dominican Republic. The Dominican Republic leader Joaquin Balaguer opposes the UN blockade of Haiti, and maintains close ties with the Haitian military. The road connecting Port-au-Prince with the border town of Jimini in the Dominican Republic is the only well paved route in Haiti, and serves as the lifeline for the regime. Despite the embargo and U.S. naval blockade of Haiti, the road to the Dominican Republic has become not only the route for oil tanker trucks breaking the embargo, but the major route for cocaine shipments as well.
SUITE :link
Extrait traduit
Legacy of Corruption
Un héritage de corruption
In the early 1980’s, when Haiti was still under Duvalier’s rule, the drug trade in Haiti was the province of individually corrupt military men associated with Duvalier’s powerful father-in-law. By 1985 the cocaine cartels began to seek transit points for the booming cocaine industry. A natural candidate was Haiti lying just south of the Bahamas—another favorite transit route.
Au début des années 1980, alors qu'Haïti était encore sous la férule de Duvalier, le trafic de drogue était le domaine personnel de militaires corrompus associés au tout puissant beau-père de Duvalier. Vers 1985, les cartels de cocaine ont commencé à chercher des points de transit pour répondre au boom de l'industire de la cocaine. Haïti était un candidat tout trouvé parce que placé juste au sud des Bahamas- une des autres routes privilégiées de transit.
Haiti is particularly attractive to the drug smugglers because the most direct route from the Colombian coast to Florida lies through the Windward passage between northern Haiti and eastern Cuba. Port-au-Prince is approximately 500 nautical miles north of Colombia and 700 miles southeast of Miami. A former agent in charge of the Miami DEA, Thomas Cash, told Senator Kerry’s committee that Haiti’s attraction to smugglers is aided by dozens of small airstrips, the lack of patrols over Haitian airspace and the total lack of any radar monitoring approaches to the country. Combined with the legendary corruption of public officials, these conditions make Haiti a “very fertile ground” for drug traffickers.
Haïti attire particulièrement les trafiquants de drogue parce qu'elle représente le trajet le plus direct de la côte colombienne à la Floride en passant par le passage du vent entre le nord d'Haïti et l'est de Cuba. Port-au-Prince se trouve à 500 miles marin du nord de la Colombie et à 700 miles du sud-est de Miami. Thomas Cash, ancien agent de la CIA, responsable de la DEA (Département US de lutte contre la drogue) à Miami, a déclaré à la Commission présidée par le sénateur Kerry, que des douzaines de petits avions, l'absence de surveillance de l'espace aérien haïtien et celle de radars permettant de contrôler les mouvements en direction du pays, étaient le pourquoi de l'attraction des trafiquants de drogue pour Haïti. Si on ajoute à cela la corruption légendaire des officiels haïtiens, les conditions sont réunies pour faire d'Haïti, "un terrain fertile" pour les trafiquants de drogue.
In fact, infamous drug trafficker George Morales told Kerry that during the mid 1980’s “I used the isle of Haiti mainly as a parking lot, as a place that I would place my aircraft so they could be repaired.” When asked if he shipped drugs through Haiti, Morales replied, “Yes, I did,” adding, “its something which is done fairly commonly.”
En fait, l'odieux trafiquant de drogue, George Morales, a révélé à Kerry que pendant le milieu des années 1980 : " J'ai utilisé principalement Haïti comme un parking, comme un endroit où je pouvais garer mes avions pour les faire réparer". Quand on lui a demandé si il a fait transiter de la drogue par Haïti, il a répondu :" Oui, je l'ai fait" ajoutant " C'est quelque chose qui se pratique relativement couramment."
Since then the role of Haiti in the drug trade has grown, and the profits to the Haitian officials involved have skyrocketed. This may explain the difficulty Aristide experienced during his short rule, in trying to interdict drug shipments. A confidential DEA report provided to Michigan Representative John Conyers told of the case of Tony Greco, a former DEA agent in Haiti, who fled for his life in September 1992, following the arrest of a Haitian military officer charged with drug running.
Depuis lors, la place d'Haïti dans le trafic de drogue a grandi et les profits tirés par les officiels haïtiens impliqués ont grimpé au plafond. Ce qui peut expliquer les difficultés rencontrées par Aristide pendant son court mandat, en essayant d'interdire les transports. Un rapport confidentiel de la DEA, provenant du parlementaire du Michigan, John Conyers, parle du cas de Tony Greco, un ancient agent de la DEA, qui fut obligé de fuir pour protéger sa vie suite à l'arrestation d'un officier de l'armée haïtienne, accusé de trafic de drogue."
FIN de la traduction.
NB.Un grand nombre de ces personnes impliquées sont connues par la CIA et ce n'est pas par hasard qu'elles sont dans les allées du pouvoir actuel.
VOIR : Pourquoi le retour de l'extrême droite duvaliériste au pouvoir en Haïti ? Rediff.
Jaar qui a été arrêté en RD, est un maillon. Clifford Brandt un autre. Alors qu'ils sont tous connus des services de renseignement, qu'est-ce qui fait que de temps à autre la DEA, le FBI décide d'en coffrer un , celui-ci et pas un autre ? J'imagine qu'il faut le flagrant délit. Et puis tant qu'ils peuvent les utiliser, comme par exemple Noriega, on ferme les yeux.
Il y a un rapport, dont je vous parlerai à une autre occasion, particulièrement révélateur sur la constitution des gangs en Haïti, sur qui les financent et pourquoi, qui éclaire sur le désordre organisé par l'extrême droite macouto/militaro/duvaliériste dès le départ de Duvalier J-Cl en 1986 et leur sabotage systématique du processus démocratique afin de continuer à s'enrichir. Sabotage qui se poursuit encore aujourd'hui.
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