L'article qui suit a été publié dans le journal britannique "The Guardian"
Pour lui, la situation d'Haïti est une punition infligée par le monde extérieur (il faut entendre le monde occidental).
Pas de repos pour le peuple haïtien,dit-il. Et il montre que + d'une semaine après l'annonce de l'armada d'aides annoncées par le monde extérieur, à l'inverse, ce que le peuple haïtien a eu ce sont les milliers de militaires US qui se sont déversés sur l'aéroport de Port-au-Prince alors que des milliers de survivants sont en train de mourir de leurs blessures et de faim.
Plus scandaleux, les militaires américains, ont détourné des vols qui apportaient du matériel médical comme ceux des organisations, World Food Programme et Médecins Sans Frontières, pour donner la priorité aux avions qui déchargent des soldats.
En dépit de la remarquable patience, de la solidarité et du relativement bas niveau des pillages, le but de cette opération, disent-ils, serait d'assurer la sécurité et d'éviter une "autre Somalie", une référence à l'echec militaire humiliant des troupes US en 1993 en Somalie.
Depuis les 2 derniers jours, une autre motivation apparait clairement, les USA ont organisé un blocus naval autour d'Haïti, pour éviter un exode de la population, suite aux conséquences du tremblement de terre.
Ainsi, alors que des médecins cubains et écossais étaient occupés à sauver des vies pendant toute la semaine, la 82ième division Airbone, elle, s'occupait de parachuter ses hommes dans les ruines du Palais présidentiel.
(Ca c'est moi bibi qui le dit)
J'avais posé un certain nombre de questions: comment l'Etat, le gouvernement haïtien peut-il se permettre d'allouer à FOKAL, la réhabilitation de cet espace? A quel titre l'association FOKAL est-elle abilitée à passer un contrat avec le gouvernement pour cette réhabilitation ? L'association FOKAL avait-elle vocation de faire de l'urbanisme ? Est-ce que c'était écrit dans les statuts de l'association ? Pourquoi n'y avait-il pas eu un appel d'offre international pour un projet historique qui concernait l'Unesco ? J'avais vu un reportage dans lequel une voyait une jeune dame européenne nous raconter qu'elle était chargée de faire les plans de la rénovation du quartier. Kimafoutiésa ! Ca sentait le hold up, le dap piyan sur un bien national, commun, collectif. D'ici qu'on apprenne que dans les 196 millions disparus de PetroCaribe une partie est allée au projet de FOKAL, ça ne me surprendrait pas. Derrière FOKAL, on le sait, il y a Soros. Tiens, c'est bizarre on ne l'entend pas enore. Mais soyez en sûr, ça viendra.
Ala moun ki renmen sweatshop ak mango,papa !
De plus, la propagande des gens de droite, à base de "kokorat, Nul, Kongo", "ne fêtons pas notre indépendance, on ne vaut rien, etc, " comme je l'ai mille fois dit, les conditionne à avoir du mépris pour leurs propres têtes et celles de leurs concitoyens, à être complexés, et à intégrer, dans leurs cerveaux aussi peu limpides qu'un jellyfish, une méduse, la pseudo supériorité "génétique" de l'autre, le Blanc qui arrive chez eux en conquérant alors que, parfois, il n'était qu'un clochard de l'autre côté de l'eau.
Ajouter à cela que ces gens sont pris dans l'étau à la fois du catéchisme duvaliérien (violence et soumission) et de celui des églises protestantes,(soumisssion et pardon) vous vous retrouvez avec des cerveaux gelés/dégelés/congelés/décongelés, comme les morceaux de poulet venus des USA, revendus dans la rue en plein soleil.
Peuple haïtien, au point de non retour où ils t'ont acculé,
il ne te reste plus qu'à t'appuyer sur tes rares amis
et à appliquer méthodiquement, le mot d'ordre du Conseil National de la Résistance
fondé en France, après la 2nde guerre mondiale
"Résister c'est créer, créer c'est résister"
Haiti's suffering is a result of calculated impoverishment
Seumas Milne
guardian.co.uk, Wednesday 20 January 2010 20.30 GMT
There is no relief for the people of Haiti, it seems, even in their hour of promised salvation. More than a week after the earthquake that may have killed 200,000 people, most Haitians have seen nothing of the armada of aid they have been promised by the outside world. Instead, while the US military has commandeered Port-au-Prince's -airport to pour thousands of soldiers into the stricken Caribbean state, wounded and hungry survivors of the catastrophe have carried on dying.
Most scandalously, US commanders have repeatedly turned away flights bringing medical equipment and -emergency supplies from organisations such as the World Food Programme and Médecins Sans Frontières, in order to give priority to landing troops. Despite the remarkable patience and solidarity on the streets and the relatively small scale of looting, the aim is said to be to ensure security and avoid "another Somalia" - a reference to the US -military's "Black Hawk Down" -humiliation in 1993. It's an approach that -certainly chimes with well--established traditions of keeping Haiti under control.
In the last couple of days, another motivation has become clearer as the US has launched a full-scale naval blockade of Haiti to prevent a seaborne exodus by refugees seeking sanctuary in the United States from the desperate aftermath of disaster. So while Welsh firefighters and Cuban -doctors have been getting on with the job of -saving lives this week, the 82nd Airborne Division was busy parachuting into the ruins of Haiti's presidential palace.
There's no doubt that more Haitians have died as a result of these shockingly perverse priorities. As Patrick Elie, former defence minister in the government of Jean-Bertrand Aristide - twice overthrown with US support - put it: "We don't need soldiers, there's no war here." It's hardly surprising if Haitians such as Elie, or French and Venezuelan leaders, have talked about the threat of a new US occupation, given the scale of the takeover.
Their criticisms have been dismissed as kneejerk anti-Americanism at a time when the US military is regarded as the only force that can provide the -logistical backup for the relief effort. In the context of Haiti's gruesome history of invasion and exploitation by the US and European colonial powers, though, that is a truly asinine response. For while last week's earthquake was a natural -disaster, the scale of the human catastrophe it has unleashed is man-made.
It is uncontested that poverty is the main cause of the horrific death toll: the product of teeming shacks and the absence of health and public infrastructure. But Haiti's poverty is treated as some -baffling quirk of history or culture, when in reality it is the direct -consequence of a uniquely brutal -relationship with the outside world -- notably the US, France and Britain -- stretching back centuries.
Punished for the success of its uprising against slavery and self-proclaimed first black republic of 1804 with invasion, blockade and a crushing burden of debt reparations only finally paid off in 1947, Haiti was occupied by the US between the wars and squeezed mercilessly by multiple creditors. More than a century of deliberate colonial impoverishment was followed by decades of the US-backed dictatorship of the Duvaliers, who indebted the country still further.
When the liberation theologist Aristide was elected on a platform of development and social justice, his challenge to Haiti's oligarchy and its international sponsors led to two foreign-backed coups and US invasions, a suspension of aid and loans, and eventual exile in 2004. Since then, thousands of UN troops have provided security for a discredited political system, while -global financial institutions have imposed a relentlessly neoliberal diet, pauperising Haitians still further.
Thirty years ago, for example, Haiti was self-sufficient in its staple of rice. In the mid-90s the IMF forced it to slash tariffs, the US dumped its subsidised surplus on the country, and Haiti now imports the bulk of its rice. Tens of thousands of rice farmers were forced to move to the jerry-built slums of Port-au-Prince. Many died as a result last week.
The same goes for the lending and aid conditions imposed over the past two decades, which forced Haitian governments to privatise, hold down the minimum wage and cut back the already minimal health, education and public infrastructure. The impact can be seen in the helplessness of the Haitian state to provide the most basic relief to its own people. Even now, new IMF loans require Haiti to raise electricity prices and freeze public sector pay in a country where most people live on less than two dollars a day.
What this saga translates into in real life can be seen in the stark contrast between Haiti, which has taken its market medicine, with nearby Cuba, which hasn't, but suffers from a 50-year US economic blockade. While Haiti's infant mortality rate is around 80 per 1,000, Cuba's is 5.8; while nearly half Haitian adults are illiterate, the figure in Cuba is around 3%. And while 800 Haitians died in the hurricanes that devastated both islands last year, Cuba lost four people.
In her book The Shock Doctrine, Naomi Klein shows how natural disasters and wars, from Iraq to the 2004 Asian tsunami, have been used by corporate interests and their state -sponsors to drive through predatory neoliberal -policies, from -radical deregulation to privatisation, that would have been impossible at other times. There's no doubt that some would now like to impose a form of -disaster -capitalism on Haiti. The influential US conservative Heritage Foundation initially argued last week that the -earthquake -offered -"opportunities to -reshape Haiti's long-dysfunctional government and -economy as well as to improve the -public image of the United States".
The former president Bill Clinton, who wants to build up Haiti's export-processing zones, appeared to contemplate something similar, though a good deal more sensitively, in an interview with the BBC. But more sweatshop assembly of products neither made nor sold in Haiti won't develop its economy nor provide a regular income for the majority. That requires the cancellation of Haiti's existing billion-dollar debt, a replacement of new loans with grants, and a Haitian-led democratic reconstruction of their own country, based on public investment, redevelopment of agriculture and a crash literacy programme. That really would offer a route out of Haiti's horror.
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