Une courte histoire de l'anti-haïtianisme en RD. Par l'économiste Miguel Ceara-Hatton

Publié par siel sur 3 Janvier 2014, 16:01pm

Ce serait bien que ce texte soit traduit en français. Une large diffusion de ce récapitulatif documenté produit par un économiste dominicain permetttrait aux lecteurs non informés susceptibles d'être soumis aux manipulations de " personnages" tels que le Baron de Ti-Malice de Times is Money Les "gate priyè" de mieux saisir la problématique qui a accouché de cette loi de de"dénationalisation" des Dominicains d'ascendance haïtienne. On y voit comment Fernandez joue un rôle important dans cette loi à travers l'alliance de son parti avec le PLD un parti ultranationaliste mouvance extrême-droite.Fuir les propagandistes, tourner le dos aux zen , privilégier la réflexion et l'étude pourraient faire partie des décisions à prendre cette année 2014. C'est de marcher qui trace la route; et la marche est matériellement impossible si la route est tapissée de peaux de banane malignement placées sur le parcours.

Un autre point sur lequel cet article fait le point c'est l'historique de l'évolution économiue des 2 pays."

"In this way, by 1916 the Dominican Republic had a commercial exchange with the rest of the world 1.5 times greater than Haiti's commercial exchange and beginning with the second decade of the 20th century the gap between the two countries began to grow at an accelerated pace."

Parce que les nostalgiques du passé, les mystificateurs fabricants de mythes répètent à satiété l'eldorado "d'avant ces 25 dernières années" ou bien celui des années d'Estimé comme si, dans ces années là l'économie d'Haïti surpassait celle de la RD. En réalité, on se rend compte que sous les gouvernements qui se sont succédés de 1916 à aujourdhui les disparités n'ont cessé de se creuser.

Dominican Republic: A short history of anti-Haitianism

Détails
: Publié le mardi 31 décembre 2013 16:26

miguel-Ceara-Hatton-dominican-economis Economist Miguel Ceara-Hatton speaks on the Constitutional Tribunal ruling[Translation of comments by Dominican economist Miguel Ceara-Hatton to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights as published in Espacinsular of Santo Domingo on December 8, 2013. See original here. Ceara-Hatton is a member of the Comité de Solidaridad con los Desnacionalizados, the Committee in Solidarity with the Denationalized.]

Almost from the beginning of the 16th century, the island of Santo Domingo was abandoned by Spain; their abandonment turned into depopulation in the 17th century, which gave rise to the French occupation of the northwestern part of the island and eventually to the establishment of the French colony of Saint Domingue, which became the wealthiest French colony during the 18th century.

Its wealth was created on the basis of sugar production, organized on the plantation system, which was based on an intense and cruel slavery. The cruelty was an integral part of the plantation system because it was the only possible way for a few thousand white landowners to live in the midst of almost 500,000 slaves.

Meanwhile, the eastern part of the island, the Spanish part, languished in the deepest poverty, with an economy based on contraband and the cutting of timber.

At the beginning of the 19th century, in 1804, Haitian independence was won in the most profound social and racial revolution of the Americas, while the eastern part went from being French territory to being Spanish, but then, with the neglect of the colonial powers, to be occupied in 1822 by the Haitians, who were well received to a great degree as a consequence of the generalized poverty of the eastern part. Nevertheless, as the occupation was prolonged and the population's expectations were not satisfied, a separatist movement was born, which was consummated in 1844. At that time Haiti was a country with almost half a million inhabitants while the Dominican Republic had barely 100,000.

batey-dominican The rest of the 19th century saw great changes in both countries, Haiti organized around a peasant economy, and coffee, having to pay a high price for being the first slave country to gain its independence, while the Dominicans were organized around tobacco, wood and livestock. Later, in the last quarter of the 19th century, the sugar industry began to be developed based on plantations but within the framework of a capitalist economy.

bateyThus began the 20th century, with Haiti having three times the Dominican population but with an economic trajectory beginning to turn around. The Dominican economy was accelerating, spurred on basically by sugar, while the Haitian economy lost speed due to the predominance of the peasant economy and the cycles in the coffee market.

In the second decade of the 20th century, they were both occupied militarily by the North Americans, who imposed iron-fisted military dictatorships in both countries but with different economic results.

In the Dominican Republic, a productive infrastructure was developed and sugar production was consolidated, while in Haiti the economic results of occupation were smaller and the profits were used to pay off the debt.

In this way, by 1916 the Dominican Republic had a commercial exchange with the rest of the world 1.5 times greater than Haiti's commercial exchange and beginning with the second decade of the 20th century the gap between the two countries began to grow at an accelerated pace.

In 1947, a UN mission declared Haiti to be the country with the lowest per capita GDP in the Americas.

In 1950, Haiti still had a population 1.5 times that of the Dominican Republic, but the Dominican Republic had a real GDP that was 1.4 times greater than Haiti's, exporting 2.3 times more and importing 1.4 times more than Haiti.

These differences in the levels of economic activity explain the migratory flow of Haitians toward the Dominican Republic.

sugar-cann-plantation-dominican The sugar industry experienced an impressive growth. It was initially foreign owned, then in the '50s came into the hands of dictator Rafael Trujillo and finally, in 1961, into state hands.

This industry made intense use of Haitian laborers, creating a system in which the states, the political elites and the military of both countries took part, as did both the private companies involved in sugar production in the Dominican Republic.

The system involved the annual importation of thousands of laborers whose movement was restricted and who remained under the control of the large sugar plantations, resulting in every kind of injustice and exclusion, the visible expression of which is the batey [company housing].

It was in the late '30s of the 20th century, with the killing of several thousand Haitians during the dictatorship of Trujillo that active construction of a Dominican identity began as a negation of what was Haitian. To the "black race" of the Haitian was counterpoised the "white race" of the Dominican. To Vodou was counterpoised Catholicism and to Africanism, Hispanicism.

This ideology was strengthened in the decade from the '40s to the '50s of the 20th century with Trujillo's attempts to "whiten the race" through the promotion of European migration.

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